NRA's Wayne LaPierre
THE
PRIVATE RIGHT TO BEAR ARMS – NONSENSE
By
John P. Flannery II
“The notion that registering gun purchases somehow
violates the Constitution is unmitigated nonsense,” so said former Supreme
Court Justice Warren Burger. He also
said that “[n]othing outrages me more than the conduct of the National Rifle
Association (‘NRA’).”
Former NRA Vice President Neal Knox once said that
the assassinations of President Kennedy and Martin Luther King Jr. were
possibly “part of a conspiracy to enact gun control” and “could have been
created for the purpose of disarming the people of the free world.” This past week, the NRA has eclipsed its
ordinary standard for bad taste by attacking the President’s children, asking
why the federal government provides them Secret Service protection but not other
children in our public schools. Anyone
want to suggest a distinction that the NRA might understand?
Our public discussion might improve, among the rest
of us, exclusive of the NRA leadership, if we got some of the facts right -- like
what the Second Amendment actually says and what it truly meant when it was
written.
When the Declaration of Independence was written in
1776, our colonies were concerned about “standing armies” because the King had
“kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, without the consent of our
legislatures.”
When we had won our Independence and we had to
concern ourselves with self-government under the Articles of Confederation,
Revolutionary War Veterans led by Captain Dan Shays demanded cheap paper money,
lighter taxes and the suspension of bank foreclosures of their farms. They were going to close down the courts
foreclosing on their property.
Massachusetts raised a militia to put down Shays’ rebellion and open the
courts.
The Shays’ Rebellion became a part of the rationale for
retired General George Washington and his aide, Alexander Hamilton, proposing a
stronger federal government. The
resulting U.S. Constitution, in Article I, Section 8, clauses 15 and 16, said
that the state militias going forward would respond to Congress’ call “to
execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions,” and
Congress would provide for “organizing, arming and disciplining the militia”
reserving certain rights to the states.
The States, however, remained concerned about a “standing
army.” Colonel George Mason wished that
the constitutional plan “had been prefaced with a Bill of Rights.” He got his way and the so-called Military
Amendments in the resulting Bill of Rights were the 2nd and 3rd
Amendments, with the 3rd Amendment prohibiting the quartering of
troops and the 2nd providing for “a well- regulated militia, being
necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and
bear arms, shall not be infringed.”
The States were thus empowered to do exactly what
they had done at Lexington and Concord.
It was a collective right, not a personal right to bear arms, and for a
certain well-defined purpose, stated in the Constitution and the Bill of Rights.
In United States
v. Cruikshank, in 1875, a plaintiff charged citizens had been deprived of
their constitutional right to bear arms, and the U.S. Supreme Court found that
“[t]his is not a right granted by the Constitution,” and that this Second
Amendment right “has no other effect than to restrict the powers of the
national government.”
In 1934, in United
States v. Miller, the U.S. Supreme Court rejected a constitutional
challenge to the National Firearms Act regulating the transfer of firearms and
imposing a transfer tax, concluding that the weapons at issue lacked “some
reasonable relationship to the preservation or efficiency of a well-regulated
militia.”
Actually, as a result of the National Defense Act of
1916, the “militia” has since been supplanted by the National Guard, and that
same Act transformed the militia from an individual state service into a
division of the United States Army, rendering the Second Amendment somewhat
irrelevant as originally contemplated.
There was a 2008 U.S. Supreme Court decision, District of Columbia v. Heller, that
struck down DC’s strict gun-control law but most agree that decision was less
than meets the eye. 500 or more
challenges to gun laws since have been defeated.
Former Justice Justice Paul Stevens, who dissented
in the Heller decision, reportedly said that, even if you “generously” construe
Heller, “the Second Amendment provides no obstacle to regulations prohibiting
the ownership or use of the sorts of automatic weapons used in the tragic
multiple killings in Virginia, Colorado and Arizona in recent years.”
He also made a pointed observation about Congress: “The
failure of congress to take any action to minimize the risk of similar
tragedies in the future cannot be blamed on the court’s decision in Heller.”
Congress has failed to act. The NRA may be fine with that. But are you?